1
سیاسی و روابط بین الملل::
خشونت جمعی
CriminologistsWebber and Ross acknowledge that relative deprivation theory is useful in identifying violent tendencies, but is nota sufficient explanationfor the rate of violent mobilization.77Othercritics of the theory observe that"deprivation theorists should expect mass rebellionsto befairly frequent,"78and this is no surprise when Gurr purports that "widespread discontent providesa general impetus to collective violence."79If discontent alone were sufficientforpolitical violence, we should expect to see large-scale rebellions across the U.S.in light of currenteconomic situations,but this is not the case.
Nicholas Sambanis notes that while economicfactors should notbe negated, collective violence "should be responsive to improvements in thedegree of politicalopenness even withoutparallel improvements in economicdevelopment."104Thus,nations with low measures of political freedom arepresumed to have higher rates ofterrorist activity, regardless of their economicwelfare.
2.2.5 Analytical framework - collective violence from a political perspective
Following Nilsson's argument, by focusing solely on motivations based on the acquisition and maintenance of political power to explain collective violence, leads not only to a demonization of the elites involved, but also that such an approach fails to "address the question of how it is, in fact, possible to mobilise the 'masses' for violent activities" (Nilsson, 1999:226).
Based upon Nilsson's understanding of collective violence; following a perspective which stresses egocentric political motivations has the potential to "ignore the socio-economic elements that often form the basis of an outbreak of social violence" (Nilsson, 1999:211).
واژگان شبکه مترجمین ایران